This is a conflicting of what has happened in special congressional elections given Mr. Trump’s inauguration. With dual exceptions, a Republican claimant has run between 5 and 9 commission points behind Mr. Trump’s results. One exception, a special choosing for Third Congressional District in Utah, also should not give Republicans comfort. While a Republican leader John Curtis ran good forward of Mr. Trump’s percentage, that series was artificially low since of a candidacy of a regressive Mormon eccentric Evan McMullin. Mr. Curtis ran 19 commission points behind Mitt Romney’s commission in 2012; even when a votes from dual regressive teenager celebration possibilities are added, a total Republican-conservative opinion was 7 commission points reduce than Mr. Romney’s.
The other exception, however, is in line with what we saw in Virginia. The Republican Karen Handel, in a special choosing in Georgia’s Sixth Congressional District, had been a internal and statewide central for over a decade before her House campaign. She had also twice run for statewide office, carrying a areas in this district in both races. She was not an incumbent, though electorate via a district knew her and had formerly upheld her as they would an incumbent. Despite her Democratic opponent, Jon Ossoff, spending a record $31 million opposite her, she prevailed comparatively easily, winning by 52-48 percent. More important, she ran about 3.5 commission points forward of President Trump’s display in that district, in line with what we saw incumbents do in a Virginia elections.
These observations advise that a competition to control a House is still one that Republicans can win. Republican-held congressional seats that Mrs. Clinton carried where a obligatory is not running, such as Florida’s 27th, are roughly positively lost. So, too, are Republican-held seats with incumbents where Mrs. Clinton carried by 5 or some-more commission points (although some of those incumbents competence cheep through). But usually 16 seats tumble into one of those categories. To win a House, Democrats contingency take out Republican incumbents or win open seats narrowly disposition to a G.O.P.
This will be most harder to do if this research proves correct. Most Republican incumbents will overcome if they can simply run equal to President Trump’s percentage. There are usually an additional 19 Republican-held House seats that Mrs. Clinton carried by reduction than 5 points or that Mr. Trump carried with reduction than 50 percent of a vote. Republican incumbents could do most worse than their Virginia House of Delegates counterparts and still mostly keep their seats. That in spin would meant that possibly Democratic control of a House after a midterms would be really slight or, intolerable as it would be to many now, a Republicans could keep control.
Incumbent officeholders do tend to run equal to or forward of their party’s presidential claimant even in terrible choosing years for their party. For example, 3 of a 5 Senate Democrats degraded for re-election in 2014 ran forward of President Obama’s share of a opinion dual years earlier. They mislaid especially since they were representing really Republican states in a rarely narrow-minded age. Most Republican-held House seats are not in primarily Democratic areas. As remarkable above, there are not adequate G.O.P.-held seats in places Mrs. Clinton carried by 5 commission points or some-more — what we competence consider of as routinely Democratic domain — to capacitate a Democrats to retake a House.
If Republican incumbents don’t keep any personal voter loyalty, however, a tumble could be a blood bath for Republicans. Twenty-four incumbents paint seats that Mr. Trump carried with reduction than 55 percent and with reduction than a 10 commission indicate domain in 2016. Adding those to a 35 seats mentioned above means Republicans could be staring during a 2010-style wipeout with House waste in additional of 50 seats if a special choosing formula are a messenger of what is to come.